The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary, where Putin’s ally Orbán and his Fidesz party suffered a crushing defeat, claim the role of a point of no return for Russian influence in the region. The official inauguration of Péter Magyar as Prime Minister of Hungary marked not just a change of faces in Budapest, but the dismantling of a long-standing “special path” that turned Hungary into the main advocate and lobbyist for the Kremlin within the EU and NATO.
One of the symbols of this geopolitical shift was the high-profile expulsion of Artur Sushkov from the country, who officially held the position of third secretary of the Russian Embassy, but was in fact identified as a staff member of the Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR).
Analysis by Hungarian investigators, such as the VSquare project, shows that the clearing out of the presence of Russian intelligence services began even before Magyar’s formal inauguration. In light of the aforementioned, declaring Sushkov persona non grata is not an ordinary diplomatic incident. The episode can be interpreted as an act of beginning the de-occupation of Hungarian state institutions.
According to Hungarian counterintelligence – the Constitutional Protection Office, Sushkov had been working for years unhindered in structures extremely close to Orbán’s circle. This includes Mathias Corvinus Collegium as the breeding ground for the “illiberal regime,” the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs (HIIA) – which prepared analytics directly for the cabinet of ministers, and the John Lukacs Institute – a platform for training officers and intelligence staff.
The Russian spy Sushkov was not simply engaged in “gossip gathering.” His areas of interest included details of the Paks-2 nuclear power plant project, Hungary’s positions on Ukraine, and even attempts to recruit current ministry employees.
A notable fact is that Hungarian counterintelligence had demanded his expulsion as early as February 2026, but Orbán’s government blocked this decision, fearing Moscow’s wrath in the midst of the election campaign.
The observed change in course by Péter Magyar’s government represents a shift from “strategic uncertainty” to active defense. Hungarian sources emphasize that under Magyar, the intelligence services have been given carte blanche to operate without regard to “political expediency.”
Budapest will work to dismantle the network of Russian influence, and Sushkov’s expulsion is just the tip of the iceberg. According to expert estimates, there are still 10-12 identified SVR employees in the Russian Embassy in Budapest. Magyar has made it clear that Hungary will no longer be a “safe haven” for Russian spies.
In parallel, Magyar has been concerned with Hungary’s energy independence. The new government has already initiated an audit of all agreements with Rosatom and Gazprom, viewing them not as economic contracts but as tools of political blackmail.
The willingness of Budapest to fully return to the European family is evident. Prime Minister Magyar also positions Hungary as a reliable NATO ally. There will be no more vetoes on aid to Ukraine and no flirting with the aggressor.
Russian state media traditionally describe the events as “Russophobic hysteria” and “Washington’s machinations.” However, the harsh truth is much more prosaic: the Hungarian society in the elections on April 12 gave Magyar a mandate to restore sovereignty. And sovereignty, in Budapest’s understanding, is now incompatible with the presence of SVR agents in educational institutions and government corridors.
The change in Hungary’s course toward the Russian Federation is an important signal for the entire region: Russian influence in Europe relies on corrupt ties with authoritarian leaders. Once these leaders leave, the Kremlin’s “soft power” collapses, revealing only a network of espionage and manipulation. Hungary is no longer the “weak link” of the West. It is gradually becoming its eastern bastion.
