What has Ukraine done for us? We owe Ukrainians, not the other way around.

Mick Ryan / Translation by iPress

Retired Major General of the Australian Army and researcher of modern warfare, Mick Ryan, disputes Donald Trump’s claim that Ukraine supposedly “gave nothing” to the United States and the democratic world. He emphasizes that Ukraine’s wartime experience has already transformed modern military art, the development of drone systems, defensive technologies, national resilience, and approaches to quick learning and adaptation. At the same time, Ukraine has given democracies an early warning about the scale of authoritarian threats and demonstrated that the power of dictatorships can be contained. Therefore, it is not Ukraine that owes the West – the democratic world is indebted to the Ukrainians and should enhance military, intelligence, financial, and diplomatic support.

Ukrainians have become a beacon for democracies in a world where the forces of authoritarian evil overshadow our hopes for a better future. Ukrainians are the first to acknowledge that they are far from perfect. But they have shown us what the right choice looks like in the 21st century and have given us so much that we can hardly ever fully repay them.

Recently, during a press interaction outside the White House, U.S. President Donald Trump, responding to a question about Ukraine, stated: “We have given Ukraine a lot. They have given us nothing!” Considering that this is the opinion of a semi-literate and not very successful developer, it’s hard not to sympathize with someone who has such a poor understanding of world events, American foreign policy, or even what is true.

But Trump’s statement intrigued me. So, as someone who closely follows this war, has visited Ukraine multiple times, and has genuinely grown fond of the Ukrainians and their culture, I decided to respond to Trump’s assertion that Ukraine “gave us nothing.”

A disclaimer: before I start, I must admit that my responses will show a bias against dictators – a trait unfortunately lacking in the person once called the “leader of the free world.” Additionally, I understand that Trump’s statement can be addressed in two ways. One can talk about what Ukraine has given to democracies since 2022, or what Trump hoped to get from Ukraine for his family. I chose the first option.

So, what has Ukraine given us?

Firstly, Ukraine has shown the world a multitude of new ways to employ drone systems. Ukrainians have demonstrated an increasingly wide range of uses for drone systems on land, in the air, and at sea, allowing for better protection of operators and soldiers and more effective use of traditional weapons and equipment. This has revealed new ways in which small and medium-sized democracies in Europe and the Pacific region can protect their people and resist significantly larger predators.

Secondly, Ukraine has independently or in collaboration with other countries created a wide range of drones, interceptor drones, long- and medium-range strike systems, as well as digital command and control systems that rank among the most advanced military technologies. Ukraine has established joint ventures for the development, production, and enhancement of these systems with many democratic countries in Europe and beyond. The potential of these systems is enormous if other democracies produce them in sufficient quantities. They are important not only for conducting military operations but also as a component of national deterrence, helping to prevent wars. Ukrainian technologies have already influenced the course of the war in Ukraine, and their lessons have proven useful for American troops in the Middle East—particularly in the use of Corsair and LUCAS drones. The doctrinal and organizational reforms of Ukraine, exemplified by the Unmanned Systems Forces, are now being adopted by the Pentagon. Soldiers, sailors, marines, and airmen will continue to thank Ukrainians for what has been done over the past four and a half years, and some may even owe them their lives.

Thirdly, Ukraine has given us a new understanding of national resilience in an era of authoritarian aggression against small democracies. At the onset of the war, Ukraine was forced to move a significant portion of its governmental and other state data to third countries to protect them from destruction by Russia. Since then, its ability to maintain communication networks, keep people connected, and inform the world about systemic Russian brutality has been critically important. However, broader efforts to ensure the continuous operation of police, emergency medical services, fire departments, the healthcare system, schools, civil protection, and emergency services have shown the unwavering determination of Ukrainians to maintain the viability of their state and protect citizens in the face of a threat to the very existence of the nation. Equally important is their ability to counter Russian disinformation. While China and Russia view other democracies as targets for assimilation, corruption, or coercion, this wealth of knowledge about national resilience is Ukraine’s gift to democracies, whose value is immeasurable.

Fourthly, Ukrainians have shown us how to learn and adapt in accordance with the realities of 21st-century warfare and national security, rather than relying on models formed during the Cold War era that we still use. The pace of the war, along with the speed of learning and adaptation, has sharply increased due to Russia’s brutal campaign in Ukraine. Ukrainians have responded with exceptionally rapid models for creating new capabilities and quickly adopting new Russian technologies and ideas. As a result, a 21st-century defense industry has emerged in Ukraine—flexible, mobile, decentralized to preserve production, and extraordinarily creative. At the same time, in this new era of learning and adaptation, Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China, have unfortunately also begun to adopt Ukrainian adaptation cycles, forming an authoritarian bloc that exchanges tactical, strategic, and political ideas, posing a threat to democracies worldwide. Ukraine shows how we could respond to this; we just need to listen more closely to them.

We owe it to Ukrainians, not the other way around

Fifthly, Ukraine has also given us a warning. This early warning—a priceless gift paid for with the blood and sacrifice of Ukrainian military and civilians—should have already made democracies realize the scale of the threat posed by authoritarian aggression, destructive disinformation aimed at our citizens, control over critical supply chains, systemic espionage, and the massive military buildup to coerce or attack democratic states. Ukraine has given us the time to prepare for the renewed threat from fascists, Nazis, and communists, whom our ancestors tried to contain or destroy in the last century. In many aspects, democracies have not heeded this warning enough. But Ukraine has warned us. As a friend of mine said, Ukrainians are the “shield wall” against barbarians. We need to better use the time Ukraine has given to build our own shield walls.

Sixthly, Ukraine has dispelled the myth of the power of authoritarian regimes. Yes, countries like Russia and China have real advantages—nuclear weapons and large armed forces. But they also have serious weaknesses: pervasive corruption, centralized and unimaginative governance and strategic thinking, a lack of empathy for people outside the ruling elite, and an inability to offer a vision of the future of humanity that can inspire. Democracies can deliberately exploit these weaknesses. Authoritarian regimes intimidate us because we allow them to. Since 2022, Ukraine has shown that bullies can be resisted and has allowed us to see that much of the perceived power of Putin and Xi Jinping rests on bluff and showy bravado. Once, American and European states understood this. We need to demonstrate again that these petty dictators cannot deceive and intimidate our politicians and citizens, and Ukraine has shown us how to do it.

Finally, Ukrainians, led by a former comedian—a cheerful but then inexperienced president—have given the tired and sometimes weary citizens of polarized old democracies a renewed understanding of how valuable democracy is. Democracy is by no means the natural state of human societies, and its development over centuries has been one of humanity’s greatest achievements. But since it does not arise by itself and cannot be maintained without constant effort, it needs to be defended from threats both inside and outside. Ukrainians have shown us the way in this as well.

They demonstrated the freedom of will of a young democracy deeply valuing its culture, history, and democracy. Ukrainians showed boundless courage both on the battlefield and in defending their cities and society—and became an example of why democracy matters and why it must be defended. At the same time, they fought against evil forces within the country, countering corruption and other harmful influences in their society. If Ukraine, under the pressure of war, can focus on social cohesion, reducing the impact of disinformation, and strengthening civil society, then what excuse do we have for our current lethargy in these important matters of defending democracy?

In a short text, it is difficult to fully answer the question: “What has Ukraine done for us?” This young and dynamic democracy, filled with creative and proud people, has given the world many things that have strengthened and inspired us since Russian military forces began a campaign of looting, killings, torture, and rape in February 2022.

We owe Ukrainians, not the other way around. Ukrainians have become a beacon of light for democracies in a world where authoritarian evil forces overshadow our hopes for a better future. Ukrainians are the first to admit they are far from perfect. But they have shown us what the right choice looks like in the 21st century and have given us so much that we are unlikely to ever fully repay them. Yet we must repay them—by strengthening military, intelligence, financial, and diplomatic support to help defeat Russia.

I only hope that more of our political leaders and citizens realize our debt to Ukraine and the urgent need to assist them more actively. The forces of darkness—techno-authoritarian regimes in Beijing, Moscow, Tehran, and Pyongyang—are watching. Xi, Putin, and others like them seek many things, but perhaps above all, they want to ruthlessly extinguish the hope for a better future that Ukraine has shown us.

Note. At the same time when Trump was showing his admiration for Putin and Kim Jong Un, Russia launched another strike with ballistic missiles and drones at a medical clinic, school, metro station, and ordinary residential buildings in Ukraine. russian military also killed a mother with a child and four other people in a park. These are yet more victims of Russia’s deliberate campaign of terror against Ukraine’s civilian population.

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