Kostiantyn Yelisieiev / Mirror Weekly
Stable peace and strong democracy — guarantees of Ukraine’s European future
This week, the European Parliament adopted a Resolution on Ukraine’s Progress towards EU membership by 2025. In Ukrainian media, this event went almost unnoticed, perhaps with the exception of a specific episode regarding Polish-Ukrainian issues about honoring UPA heroes.
In fact, the political significance of this 27-page resolution is important as it provides a certain cross-section and even an X-ray of Ukraine’s current state (as seen from collective Brussels): the front, diplomacy, European integration, internal democracy, and those mistakes that could cost our country dearly.
The high interest in the resolution on Ukraine is evidenced by the activity and duration of the pre-debate (two hours for our country). There were many amendments. Many sensitive formulations. Many internal debates and disputes, where support for Ukraine remained strong but was no longer automatic. Yes, the European Parliament still stands on our side. But it increasingly looks not only at how Ukraine fights but also at how it governs, reforms, deals with opposition, courts, parliament, anti-corruption bodies, media, and neighbors. The closer to membership, the more scrutiny there is of every decision and quality of reforms.
Immediately about what caught the attention of the Ukrainian information space — Polish-Ukrainian historical-political confrontation.
The debates in the European Parliament showed that the scandal around UPA and issues of historical memory became strategically harmful. Not just an unpleasant episode or subject of historical discussion, but a factor that began to work against the strategic interests of both Ukraine and Poland.
For those who followed the debates, it was probably unpleasant that in fact, discussions regarding Ukraine’s progress towards EU membership turned 90% into a discussion about assessments of UPA’s actions during World War II. Instead of discussing European prospects and new approaches to expansion for a country at war, the hall was filled with emotional accusations and hysterical-theatrical performances. And this is very dangerous.
Poland has been and remains one of Ukraine’s key partners. We can and must have a complex, honest, and sometimes painful historical dialogue. However, we must not turn historical issues into a political mine under our European integration and alliance with Poland as an EU and NATO member.
When the topic of historical memory begins to erode support for Ukraine in the European Parliament, it is no longer just a problem for historians. It becomes an issue for weapons supply, strengthening sanctions, increasing funding, opening negotiation clusters, and future membership in the EU and NATO.
Ukraine does not have the luxury of creating additional fronts where we need allies. A mature state does not flee from complex topics but resolves them in a way that does not gift Moscow new lines of division between Kyiv and Warsaw.
This is why it is good that the meeting between President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky and President of Poland Karol Nawrocki took place in Ankara. We should not expect an immediate breakthrough or quick decisions from it. But the very fact of direct dialogue is important after the emotional escalation we have observed in recent weeks. We would like to believe that this conversation will mark the beginning of a gradual decrease in tension in Polish-Ukrainian relations. Because today, both states need not new reasons for mutual disputes, but political wisdom and strategic vision, which will allow preserving what unites us.
Furthermore, I would like to draw readers’ attention to several key elements of the European Parliament resolution that should be considered.
Firstly, it is the crystallization of a clear vision of the path to a just and sustainable peace: first — a full and lasting ceasefire, then — negotiations for a just peace. This is a fundamental line between a real peace process and forcing Ukraine to make concessions. There cannot be real peace negotiations when Russia simultaneously shells Ukrainian cities, attacks energy infrastructure, kills civilians, deports children, and tortures prisoners. In such a situation, “negotiations” easily become a tool of pressure not on the aggressor, but on the victim of aggression.
And it is good that this vision of the peace process by European parliamentarians fully aligns with Ukraine’s understanding and interests, which Ukrainian diplomats and representatives of the government and opposition have been promoting in the EP in recent months. Such a result demonstrates the enormous potential of our joint work in unity and close coordination.
It is important that the European Parliament also formulated its own vision of the principles of sustainable and just peace, which: must respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity; cannot limit its right to self-defense based on Article 51 of the UN Charter; cannot give Russia veto power over our security or political alliances; must not harm Ukraine’s and Europe’s strategic interests; involves punishment for the crime of aggression, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocidal practices by Russia; ensures reparations; guarantees the return of abducted Ukrainian children, the release of civilian hostages, prisoners of war, and the return of the bodies of the deceased.
And of course, in the view of the European Parliament, Ukraine needs not just political assurances, but reliable, legally binding security guarantees equivalent to Article 5 of the NATO Washington Treaty and Article 42.7 of the Treaty on the European Union.
This is peace through strength. Peace through a strong Ukraine, a strong army, strong sanctions, a strong international coalition, and strong democracy within the country.
And this is where the second part of our task begins. A strong Ukraine is not only about the army, drones, air defense, long-range weapons, and the defense industry. All these are critically necessary. But a strong Ukraine is also an independent judiciary, capable parliament, free media, local self-government, civil society, fair political competition, and respect for opposition rights.
Democracy itself is the guarantee of our independence and European future. Russia is fighting not just against our territory. It is fighting against the very idea of a free, democratic, and European Ukraine. Therefore, our response should be not only military. It must be institutional and value-based.
In Ukraine, there is sometimes a dangerous logic imposed: heroism in resisting Russian aggression is a sufficient argument on the path to the EU, and democracy can wait. It is argued that war justifies everything.
Undoubtedly, the courage of the Ukrainian resistance does not require proof. But the European Union does not accept new members based on heroism or self-sacrifice. The criteria for membership have long been defined: democracy, the rule of law, independent institutions, human rights and freedoms, the fight against corruption, and commitment to European values. Therefore, the strength of Ukraine on the front line must be accompanied by no less strength in reforms. The combination of these two components is what can lead our country to EU membership.
War may require restrictions. But these restrictions must be necessary, proportionate, and temporary. War cannot be an indulgence for arbitrary justice, pressure on the opposition, curtailment of parliamentary control, restriction of media pluralism, or political use of law enforcement agencies.
Democracy is not a weakness of Ukraine. It is one of the reasons why the world supports us. We do not have the right to win the war against Russian dictatorship and lose our own democracy.
European integration of Ukraine is not only about geopolitics. It is about rules, the rule of law, independent justice, fighting corruption, parliamentary control, independence of NABU and SAP, media freedom, multi-party pluralism, respect for civil society, and human rights. These are not “secondary trifles” that can be postponed until victory. These are the criteria for membership. And these indicators determine the speed of our movement towards EU membership. The “Fundamentals” negotiation cluster opens first and closes last. It determines the entire negotiation process. The European Union will look not at nice statements but at real actions.
One of the most sensitive signals of the resolution concerns politically motivated pressure. Especially regarding personal sanctions against representatives of the opposition and civil society. The sanctions mechanism was created to protect the state from enemies. If it is used against political competitors, it is no longer a matter of political struggle. It is a matter of the rule of law, and the resolution clearly states that such practices undermine trust in the state and provide arguments to those in Europe who are skeptical about Ukraine’s accession to the EU. Democracy begins where the government respects the rights not only of its supporters but also of its opponents.
The European Parliament’s particular emphasis is on the issue of the independence of the anti-corruption infrastructure. NABU and SAP must be protected from political pressure, interference, intimidation, or discreditation. When anti-corruption bodies expose high-level corruption, it is not a reason to attack these bodies. It is proof that they are working. In the EU, there is an understanding that Ukraine is receiving and will continue to receive significant international assistance — for the budget, defense, energy resilience, and reconstruction. Without independent anti-corruption bodies, there will be no trust in the proper use of these funds, the funds of European taxpayers. And without trust, there will be no accession to the EU.
The third key element of the resolution is the call for internal unity in Ukraine, the readiness of all pro-Ukrainian and pro-European forces to work together on issues concerning defense, the EU, NATO, sanctions, recovery, and strengthening democracy. Unity, by European standards, is not a monopoly on power, not a rigid hierarchy, not a ban on criticism, and not the right only to the government’s opinion. Unity is the state’s ability to engage all pro-Ukrainian and pro-European forces in decisions that determine the future of the country. It is respect for parliament. It is dialogue between the government and the opposition. It is the involvement of local governance, civil society, business, experts, volunteers, and veterans in the state-building processes.
True unity does not abolish democracy. It needs it. Because without democracy, unity quickly turns into authoritarianism.
Therefore, the formula for our success, as proposed by the European Parliament, is simple: sustainable peace through strength and unity, EU accession through successful reforms and resilient democratic institutions.
This is how our path to EU membership should be — through sustainable peace and robust democracy.
And this is the path we must follow.
